President Trump’s self-imposed delayed deadline for the full, unredacted release of the JFK assassination classified records was Thursday 26th April 2018. Unsurprisingly this has been pushed back to 2021. Thousands of files have been released since the original date mandated by Congress last October. However, there are still, contrary to inaccurate reports, tens of thousands of documents awaiting full release.

The CIA and FBI managed to convince Trump that he should delay the release. Set out below is some of the evidence thus far appearing to show that the JFK assassination was hatched out of the nexus of CIA-Mafia-anti Castro Cuban exiles. These elements were working together on Operation Mongoose aiming to destabilise the communist Cuban government and impose regime change.

Back in October, the release of some of the assassination files evidently captured the public imagination. It was surprising that the mainstream media devoted so much space to the kind of subject that is often dismissed as the purview of tin foil hat wearing conspiracy theorists. This may be due to the fact that post Snowden, post Wikileaks and post Trump, the Overton window has shifted — mainstream debate is now prepared to accommodate the possibility that powerful interests might have engaged in covert action or a coup d’état to assassinate the commander in chief.

Conveniently, the short attention span of the media means that there is far less publicity this time around. So what do we know so far? An exhaustive analysis would require months of poring over documents but here are some of the key highlights. It should be noted that some of this information was already known to the assassination community but it is useful to have mainstream debate and/or documents in the public domain:-


According to the testimony of former CIA agent James Wilcott taken during executive session of the House Select Committee on Assassinations investigation during the Seventies, it was felt that Oswald was employed by the Central Intelligence Agency receiving regular payment for his work.

This appears consistent with Oswald’s biography including his stationing at the top secret Atsugi base in Japan from which the CIA U-2 spy planes originated and his apparent defection to the USSR. On his return to the United States, the State Department returned his passport and even handed him a loan without further questions asked.

Oswald eventually moved to New Orleans and Dallas consorting with hard-line anti-communists and anti-Castro Cuban exiles. Yet during this period he was also handing out leaflets in support of the pro Castro Fair Play for Cuba Committee. This behaviour is hardly consistent with that of a Marxist. It seems far more likely that Oswald was infiltrating this leftist group as an FBI informant in the COINTELPRO programme of mass subversion and surveillance of organisations deemed to be politically subversive.


In the weeks before the assassination, Oswald apparently travelled to Mexico City and visited the Cuban and Russian embassies in a failed attempt to obtain a visa for travel. He even met with KGB assassinations expert Valery Kostikov.

On the surface, it appears that this information might be consistent with an international conspiracy. However, Antonio Veciana, head of the notorious Cuban exile group Alpha 66, dropped a bombshell in a 2014 press conference and more recently this year in his biography Trained to Kill.

He confirmed that his handler, going by the code-name Maurice Bishop, was David Atlee Phillips, who later rose to become the CIA’s Chief of the Western Hemisphere. Furthermore, he had inadvertently witnessed Bishop/Phillips meeting up with Oswald in Dallas in the weeks before the assassination and suspected that Phillips was Oswald’s handler. This information first surfaced during the House Select Committee on Assassinations investigation. However, at the time, Veciana denied that Bishop and Phillips were one and the same.

Therefore it appears that Phillips may well have been sheep-dipping Oswald in order to frame him as a communist for the assassination thus potentially justifying an invasion of Cuba. Phillips was a master of black ops and propaganda having been involved in covert operations in Guatemala as well as Cuba and later in Chile.

In his memoir The Night Watch, Phillips cheerfully recounts the Guatemala operation in picaresque terms. In reality, the overthrow of Arbenz led to 40 years of brutal military dictatorship and the estimated deaths of 200,000 Guatemalans during that time.

It looks like Oswald was telling the truth when he exclaimed, “I’m just a patsy” following his arrest. Recent files released include a Soviet report, which concluded that the JFK assassination was a probable far-right coup d’état.


In the immediate aftermath of the assassination, FBI Director J Edgar Hoover arrived at the pre-determined conclusion that Oswald was a lone Communist assassin and remarked as to how to “Convince The Public That Oswald Is The Real Assassin”. Hoover was also aware of Oswald’s visit to the Cuban and Russian embassies in Mexico City. He disclosed this to newly sworn in President Lyndon Johnson. Both men decided that the potential danger of a nuclear war meant that the investigation should be confined to proving that Oswald acted alone. In other words, the Warren Commission was really designed as a white-wash from day one in order to suppress evidence.

In fact, as veteran reporter and JFK assassination historian Jefferson Morley has written in various articles and in his latest book The Ghost: The Secret Life of CIA Spymaster James Jesus Angleton on the protean chief of counter-intelligence, a cadre of senior CIA officers had a pre-assassination interest in Oswald dating back at least to his trip to the Soviet Union. These same officers then covered up the trail of their extensive fore-knowledge of the Presidential assassin from official investigations.


Lyndon Johnson once declared that, “We had been operating a damned Murder Inc” in the Caribbean. Johnson was actually referring to Operation 40.

Allen Welsh Dulles, brother of John Foster Dulles — Eisenhower’s imperious Secretary of State — set up Operation 40. This took its name from the Group of 40 that followed Cuba in the Special Group, which was the body that sat on matters of national security. Operation 40 was, in essence, a special or black ops team. Its remit was to carry out covert ops including assassinations, industrial sabotage and acts of terrorism.

The Church Committee reports would eventually confirm that the CIA had indeed employed a strategy of plausible deniability in running an assassinations programme directed against foreign leaders including Castro, Lumumba, Trujillo and others code-named ZR/RIFLE. The Agency was also running a massive programme of covert action directed at destabilising the Cuban regime code-named Operation Mongoose. Both Mongoose and ZR/RIFLE employed the use of Mob hit-men — in other words the CIA and the Mafia were working hand in glove. Robert Kennedy’s initial hunch was that his brother’s assassination had been spawned from these covert operations.

A pipeline of arms and gun-running ran from Dallas, Texas through New Orleans — at the time a hive of intelligence activity — down to the JM/WAVE CIA station based on the campus of Miami University. JM/WAVE was run by the psychotic and alcoholic William ‘Bill’ Harvey and employed hundreds of CIA staffers. JM/WAVE used Zenith Technical Enterprises as a front company to disguise covert ops. In Texas, the Zapata Oil company was another CIA front company co-owned by one George Herbert Walker Bush.

In fact, George H.W. Bush was in Dallas on that infamous day although he denied this and could not remember where he was at the time. Bush even denies any links with the CIA in the early 60s. Bush would go on to become Director of the CIA in the 70s, appointed by President Gerald Ford, who had been on the Warren Commission himself.

Two FBI memos from the immediate aftermath of the event have proven to be an aide memoire for Bush’s hazy recall. The first is a telegram reporting a phone call by Bush from Tyler, Texas on the afternoon of the assassination. The second, dated a week later on the 29th November, is authored by no less than J Edgar Hoover. Taken together, they inform us that George Bush of the Zapata oil company was working for the CIA at the time and that he was staying at the Sheraton Dallas on the night of the assassination. One might think that if you were staying in Dallas on the night JFK was assassinated you would struggle to forget such a powerful association however colourful your life has been. Unless there was an ulterior motive for deliberate amnesia. When these memos later surfaced, they were brushed off as referring to another George Bush in the agency. However, this doppelganger was a lowly clerk; who denied any connection to the memos when he was hunted down by the media.


Recent documents have re-focused the spotlight on the previously known Operation Northwoods presented to JFK by his Joint Chiefs of Staff. This plan advocated the use of false flag terrorist atrocities in American cities, including hijacking of airliners. The blame could then be laid at the door of the Castro regime in order to justify a full-scale invasion of Cuba.

Remarkably, Operation Northwoods documents go into astonishing detail covering a number of scenarios. These describe the creation of replica Cuban MIG fighter jets from US aircraft. Another plan envisages the fake blowing up of US airliners in order to convincingly demonstrate that a real incident had taken place. It even describes landing the plane at an air force base in order to disembark passengers (with prepared aliases) and using a duplicate replica to imitate the original flight trajectory. Sound disturbingly familiar?

The imaginative authors go so far as to suggest that plane wreckage could also be manufactured by a submarine surfacing to distribute parts strewn across the ocean.

David Talbot argues in The Devil’s Chessboard — a biography of legendary CIA spymaster Allen Dulles, which reads more like a Hollywood thriller — that the Bay of Pigs was deliberately designed to fail, in order to force JFK to acquiesce to an invasion proper. Richard ‘Dick’ Bissell, deputy director of plans for the CIA, would recount in his memoir Reflections of a Cold Warrior the last minute phone call from JFK instructing him to reduce air sorties and dilute the invasion plans. The CIA-Cuban exile brigade never forgave JFK for the Bay of Pigs.

The Bay of Pigs fiasco, early in the Kennedy presidency, earned the undying animosity of diehard anti-Castro exiles such as Veciana, and their virulently anti-communist CIA handlers including future Watergate burglar Howard Hunt and David Sanchez Morales.

JFK would eventually fire Allen Dulles and his subordinates — Charles Cabell and Richard Bissell. In fact, CIA penetration of domestic institutions was so extensive that Cabell’s brother — Earle Cabell, who was the mayor of Dallas at the time of the assassination — was also working for the CIA according to recent files.

Such animosity only intensified within the ranks of the CIA and the Pentagon, with the refusal of JFK to invade Cuba at the height of the 1962 missile crisis. The ensuing agreement with Khrushchev not to invade Cuba, in return for the withdrawal of Russian missiles from the island, was effectively strike three for the young President. As far as hardliners in the military industrial complex were concerned, the prospect of coexistence with communism was untenable.

In spite of the discourse of the mainstream media, including liberal media outlets, the history of US foreign policy is littered with the use of so-called false flags provocations in order to justify military action. These range from the Gulf of Tonkin incident used to justify massive escalation of the Vietnam War to the false claim of Weapons of Mass Destruction in order to justify the 2003 Iraq War.

GP & author of 'How to dismantle the NHS in 10 easy steps' — The Independent — @ElGingihy https://www.amazon.co.uk/How-Dismantle-Easy-Steps-second/dp/1789041783